DURRES CONGRESS EXPRESSION OF ALBANIA'S POLITICAL MATURITY

Abstract

The paper reflects the political sense of the Albanians who realized that in the conditions of the end of World War I needed political alliances that could not be realized without the formation of a government and the Albanian state on legal and legal grounds, so that to be represented with the proper sovereignty not only in the face of the Great Powers, which would gather at the Peace Conference in Paris in the beginning of 19119, but it was the best opportunity to avoid any representation which did not have the sovereignty of Albanians.

Whereas, the preparatory stages internally for the organization of the Durrës Congress were accompanied by the initiative for the gathering of a congress in the city of Shkodra. This meeting was held in Lezha on December 9, 1918, organized by Catholic clerics and the mayor of Mirdita Bayribs, Preng Bib Doda as a movement, which included only North Albania, had not found extensive support. Another attempt was that of the city of Tirana, which took place on December 19-20, in which only representatives from some parts of Central Albania participated. These political movements gradually fused to the Durrës Congress, the organizers of the who had previously received Italy's political approval.

The Durrës Congress opened on 25 December 1918 with the participation of 53 delegates, who were accompanied by the mandate of the province they represented, although these provinces were under the control of the Italian army. But delegates from the city of Vlora did not attend the congress because the Italian authorities had received instructions from Rome not to be allowed to be delegates from this city. The representatives of the provinces under the Serbian occupation, Peshkopia and Luma, and even those who were under French occupation, such as the city of Korca, were also missing. The delegates initially expressed political trust in the winners of the war, associating this with a special greeting against President Wilson, who had declared the principles of the selfdetermination of peoples. 

The Congress also discussed about the policy that should be followed in relations with Italy and the possibility of supporting it, which, from a strategic point of view, could have an interest in supporting Albania's territorial requirements. Through archival sources, it emerges that the most prominent politician of the Albanians, Mehmet Konica, at the Durrës Congress, had presented the Italian proposal for the formation of an "Enforcement Committee", which would try to send an Albanian delegation to the Peace Conference and acted to ensure the national and political life of the Albanian people. But, in turn, the sources reflect the political will of another part of the decalogue, which they expressed, for the creation of a provisional government, which should politically accept Roma as well. Seeking that, before this was announced, a response from Rome was taken, in the hope that it would accept its formation. While some other delegates stated that the government was a wish of the Albanian people and it did not matter whether it would be accepted by Italy. The Government, based on the minutes of the Senate parliamentary work, had two tasks: First, to send an Albanian delegation to the Peace Conference, and second, to ensure the national political life of the Albanian people. While the formation of a council or a committee would no longer be a helpless institution, leaving at the same time a free path to foreign intrigues and create free ground for antagonistic opponent Esad Toptani.

The analysis also reflects the other side of the discussions, which concerned the view that the Albanian people did not have that degree of maturity to act independently, which would lead Albania to the collapse of relations with the only friend Albania had, which was considered Italy.

So the development of discussions in Congress had naturally reflected the formation of two pillar groups, which were different: first, a group of congressmen was of prominent Orienteering who declared that for the decision of the formation of the government the interim was notified and Rome through the Italian command and expected its response; second, while the other group stated that they had not come to the congress to be presented as "puppets" to judge and act upon the orders of others, but to think about the will and political will of the people, who was looking for one sounds self-restraint.

In fact, the critical spirit of the delegates to the London Underground Treaty of 1915 is considerable in material through three fundamental issues related to Albania. First, on the political plane, through the creation of the government, they were opposed to the Italian protectorate of the Albanian state through the representation of this state from Italy in relations with the world, as envisaged in paragraph VII of the Secret Treaty of London on 26 April 1915. This treaty was also struck from a principled point of view. Congress through the majority managed to consider the decisions of 1913 untouched, coupled with the full independence of the Albanian state already formed. Secondly, Congress could not bypass those decisions of the Treaty of London that heavily affected the territory of Albania. The delegates expressed their sternness about the VIth paragraph of the Treaty through which Italy was recognized sovereignty over Vlora, as well as for Point VII, according to which Italy would not object to the passage of southern Albania to Greece and to the north of Serbia and Montenegro Black, under the conditions that this would require other Treaty firms, such as France and England. Thirdly, Congress reiterated its critical stance on Vth of the Treaty of London, which expressed the existence of a "Muslim" Albanian state in Middle East.

While reflecting on the criticism of Italy's attitude to the obstacles it had created for the representation of Vlora in Congress, which made it possible to sensitize even the question of the city of Vlora, which according to the Secret Treaty of London was in the protectorate of Italy.

By the time the material was refreshed on the morning of December 26th, the main representatives of Congress presented a reminder to Italy's political representative, bringing arguments on the formation of the government to devalue the possible efforts of France and the Balkan states to call delegates of Esad Toptani at the Peace Conference.

The analysis also raises the issue of the Albanian state's legal status and political affiliation to one or the other winning power, for which there were disagreements, they acted silently and in a compromise with each other. While the essence of the subject we are presenting is the political program that underpinned: First, the rights of the Peace Conference by the Government of Durres; Second, the search for Albania's ethnic boundaries; thirdly, maintaining public order and peace in the Albanian political territory.

The material also includes the political support that Albanian Diaspora organizations provided to the congressional work as "Vatra", which saw political compromise with Italy over the formation of the Government of Durres an essential point because it envisioned the anatonomic diversity of the Albanian political streams that would to be presented at the Peace Conference in Paris. But by making a careful study of the period in which this agreement was reached, this attitude seems to be fair. This agreement came about as a result of the change of Albania's historical circumstances at the end of the war, such as: the collapse of political balances in the Balkans as a result of the dissolution of the Austro-Hungarian Empire and the loss of war from it.